About that vote
I had a kind of visceral response to some of the critical pieces I read following Iraq’s elections last Sunday, and felt that so many talking heads failed to honor a most amazing event. Of course the election was not perfect. How can any election being held in a militarily occupied country be without flaws? But this election was not about Americans or even so-called Democracy. It was about Iraqis.
Sunday’s election was to me like a religious pilgrimage with millions of Iraqis defying threats of death and violence to venture into the war-ravaged streets of Iraq and cast a ballot. Coming from the United States where people don’t vote because they’re afraid of missing the next episode of Survivor, it was extremely powerful to witness a person afraid for his or her life entering a polling station all the same. Watching masses of people walk down a desolate highway 20 kilometers just to vote, it is difficult to argue with anyone who calls the event a great success.
It was indeed a success.
Make no mistake, this election was far from ideal. It isolated a section of the population; pushed candidates backed by coalition forces but unknown to many Iraqis; and allowed pundits in the US to make political hay, as it has been doing for three years, in the face of thousands of Iraqi and American lives lost. In many ways it resembled our own flawed process.
But for much of Iraq it was an election. It was about Iraqis choosing, that simple and monumental act of making a decision and having a voice. They didn’t necessarily know whom they were voting for or even what– but more important was the symbolism of the act. And the statement, to both Americans and terrorists, that they wanted their country back.
“We want an end to this,” said one man jutting his chin towards a passing American convoy. “That is the only reason to vote.” Even before the election, campaign posters touted the benefits of voting as a mean of getting the US occupiers to leave and uniting Iraq.
One soldier heard it repeatedly: “Anyone is excited about anything they think will help us leave earlier… They don’t want us here and we don’t want to be here. But if we left now, I don’t think they’d make it to their second election.” And this is where Iraq’s ambivalence is strongest (and perhaps the timeline most confused) because as much as the Iraqis hate being occupied, in equal measure they fear civil war and terrorism if the US leaves too soon.
Though with the garrison buildup across Iraq – new concrete foundations and housing structures, improved walkways and home decorating – a near departure seems extremely unlikely. President Bush has said he would leave if requested by the new Iraqi government, but even that request is questionable. And the interim Iraqi president already said US forces are needed to maintain security. How long is that? No one knows, but it shouldn’t be long as far as I’m concerned. The Iraqis have proved they can protect themselves. Now they need a return of their country.
I do see a danger that despite the ambivalence Iraqis feel about American forces, their prolonged post-election presence may eventually be regarded as yet another promise broken.
Last Sunday’s vote was also a test of wills, a kind of good versus evil in the showdown over Iraq. Iraqi and American officials are still scratching their heads over the relatively low level of terrorist attacks and neither side has any illusions that “the enemy” is gone. But neither is there any doubt that the less than expected violence was due to US and Iraqi efforts. Just months ago, tales of officers fleeing at the first sign of attack were rampant and the stream of violence against Iraqi Police cast doubt whether they were ready to stand on their own against such a formidable enemy. So preparation and training leading up to the election was immense and ultimately joined members of the Iraqi Army, the Iraqi National Guard and the Iraqi Police, factions that beforehand openly voiced distrust and dislike of one another. These entities were reinforced from the outside with logistics like food, water and uniforms, and inside from unifying with fellow countrymen to defend their own country. If America destroyed so many of Iraq’s national institutions, such as the army, this was a first step in trying to build it back up.
The seeds of cooperation have been sewn but only time will tell if these groups will continue to work side by side. The bleaker prospect to me is that the entire strategy, complete with new weapons and ammunition, is the beginning of a re-baathification process.
Many Iraqis hardly had a sense of who was running aside from the US-chosen Prime Minister Ayad Allawi or the Shiite Coalition party supported by Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. Votes are still being tabulated but if Allawi’s party gains support in the elections, it is not just because of his relationship with America; in many cases it is because of his relationship with Saddam Hussein. America sees the former CIA employee who spent much of his life outside Iraq’s borders as a good secular leader in Iraq, particularly for those who fear an extremist religious influence, most likely from Iran. But many Iraqis support Allawi because of his tough stance on crime and his reputation as a brutal thug who once worked for Saddam Hussein and the Mukhabarat, Iraq’s intelligence Agency.
“At least Allawi says he will take care of criminals and not let them out of prison as the police do now. He is strong,” said Anan Husseini, his finger still stained days after the election. “Strong” seems to be the most oft repeated phrase in reference to Allawi and there is no confusion as to what that means.
And why wouldn’t they want an iron fist? One of Iraqis’ greatest issues has been and will continue to be security. Allawi is not Saddam Hussein but to some Iraqis he may be the closest thing to maintaining defiant order in Iraq.
While women were the first to vote and some of the strongest advocates I interviewed, others also boycotted the day because they feared a return to a fundamentalist society where women – who did not generally wear veils under Saddam’s regime – could be forced to cover themselves entirely. This fear cannot be underestimated and as the popular Shiite party seems to be far in the lead of vote counts, the fundamentalist question is still a large unknown.
There is no way to accurately predict the long-term impact of Jan. 30 elections or how members chosen for the National Assembly will choose to craft a constitution. (And just wait for that Kurdish story to begin unfolding!) But let those who defied terror to vote have their day. Honor Iraqis for their continued patience and resilience in the face of an ongoing and seemingly never-ending war, and remind Americans that their role in this new Iraq should be solely and entirely, as guests. And that the terms “freedom and democracy” – whatever that may mean to the Iraqi people – will carry little weight if they still lack jobs and electricity and risk their lives taking their children to school, or even leaving their homes to buy bread.
Update:
Remember my former translator Nadeem, the Iraqi rock star who made the Baghdad Project possible, not to mention my safety and sanity throughout? Well, his visa finally came through and he’s on his way to the UK! I was of course incredibly sad to miss a final visit with him here in Iraq but amazed and overjoyed that his dream is coming true. I’m so happy for you, Nadeem, and wish you the best.
Sunday’s election was to me like a religious pilgrimage with millions of Iraqis defying threats of death and violence to venture into the war-ravaged streets of Iraq and cast a ballot. Coming from the United States where people don’t vote because they’re afraid of missing the next episode of Survivor, it was extremely powerful to witness a person afraid for his or her life entering a polling station all the same. Watching masses of people walk down a desolate highway 20 kilometers just to vote, it is difficult to argue with anyone who calls the event a great success.
It was indeed a success.
Make no mistake, this election was far from ideal. It isolated a section of the population; pushed candidates backed by coalition forces but unknown to many Iraqis; and allowed pundits in the US to make political hay, as it has been doing for three years, in the face of thousands of Iraqi and American lives lost. In many ways it resembled our own flawed process.
But for much of Iraq it was an election. It was about Iraqis choosing, that simple and monumental act of making a decision and having a voice. They didn’t necessarily know whom they were voting for or even what– but more important was the symbolism of the act. And the statement, to both Americans and terrorists, that they wanted their country back.
“We want an end to this,” said one man jutting his chin towards a passing American convoy. “That is the only reason to vote.” Even before the election, campaign posters touted the benefits of voting as a mean of getting the US occupiers to leave and uniting Iraq.
One soldier heard it repeatedly: “Anyone is excited about anything they think will help us leave earlier… They don’t want us here and we don’t want to be here. But if we left now, I don’t think they’d make it to their second election.” And this is where Iraq’s ambivalence is strongest (and perhaps the timeline most confused) because as much as the Iraqis hate being occupied, in equal measure they fear civil war and terrorism if the US leaves too soon.
Though with the garrison buildup across Iraq – new concrete foundations and housing structures, improved walkways and home decorating – a near departure seems extremely unlikely. President Bush has said he would leave if requested by the new Iraqi government, but even that request is questionable. And the interim Iraqi president already said US forces are needed to maintain security. How long is that? No one knows, but it shouldn’t be long as far as I’m concerned. The Iraqis have proved they can protect themselves. Now they need a return of their country.
I do see a danger that despite the ambivalence Iraqis feel about American forces, their prolonged post-election presence may eventually be regarded as yet another promise broken.
Last Sunday’s vote was also a test of wills, a kind of good versus evil in the showdown over Iraq. Iraqi and American officials are still scratching their heads over the relatively low level of terrorist attacks and neither side has any illusions that “the enemy” is gone. But neither is there any doubt that the less than expected violence was due to US and Iraqi efforts. Just months ago, tales of officers fleeing at the first sign of attack were rampant and the stream of violence against Iraqi Police cast doubt whether they were ready to stand on their own against such a formidable enemy. So preparation and training leading up to the election was immense and ultimately joined members of the Iraqi Army, the Iraqi National Guard and the Iraqi Police, factions that beforehand openly voiced distrust and dislike of one another. These entities were reinforced from the outside with logistics like food, water and uniforms, and inside from unifying with fellow countrymen to defend their own country. If America destroyed so many of Iraq’s national institutions, such as the army, this was a first step in trying to build it back up.
The seeds of cooperation have been sewn but only time will tell if these groups will continue to work side by side. The bleaker prospect to me is that the entire strategy, complete with new weapons and ammunition, is the beginning of a re-baathification process.
Many Iraqis hardly had a sense of who was running aside from the US-chosen Prime Minister Ayad Allawi or the Shiite Coalition party supported by Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. Votes are still being tabulated but if Allawi’s party gains support in the elections, it is not just because of his relationship with America; in many cases it is because of his relationship with Saddam Hussein. America sees the former CIA employee who spent much of his life outside Iraq’s borders as a good secular leader in Iraq, particularly for those who fear an extremist religious influence, most likely from Iran. But many Iraqis support Allawi because of his tough stance on crime and his reputation as a brutal thug who once worked for Saddam Hussein and the Mukhabarat, Iraq’s intelligence Agency.
“At least Allawi says he will take care of criminals and not let them out of prison as the police do now. He is strong,” said Anan Husseini, his finger still stained days after the election. “Strong” seems to be the most oft repeated phrase in reference to Allawi and there is no confusion as to what that means.
And why wouldn’t they want an iron fist? One of Iraqis’ greatest issues has been and will continue to be security. Allawi is not Saddam Hussein but to some Iraqis he may be the closest thing to maintaining defiant order in Iraq.
While women were the first to vote and some of the strongest advocates I interviewed, others also boycotted the day because they feared a return to a fundamentalist society where women – who did not generally wear veils under Saddam’s regime – could be forced to cover themselves entirely. This fear cannot be underestimated and as the popular Shiite party seems to be far in the lead of vote counts, the fundamentalist question is still a large unknown.
There is no way to accurately predict the long-term impact of Jan. 30 elections or how members chosen for the National Assembly will choose to craft a constitution. (And just wait for that Kurdish story to begin unfolding!) But let those who defied terror to vote have their day. Honor Iraqis for their continued patience and resilience in the face of an ongoing and seemingly never-ending war, and remind Americans that their role in this new Iraq should be solely and entirely, as guests. And that the terms “freedom and democracy” – whatever that may mean to the Iraqi people – will carry little weight if they still lack jobs and electricity and risk their lives taking their children to school, or even leaving their homes to buy bread.
Update:
Remember my former translator Nadeem, the Iraqi rock star who made the Baghdad Project possible, not to mention my safety and sanity throughout? Well, his visa finally came through and he’s on his way to the UK! I was of course incredibly sad to miss a final visit with him here in Iraq but amazed and overjoyed that his dream is coming true. I’m so happy for you, Nadeem, and wish you the best.
posted by zpollon at 7:19 AM
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